Ethnic cleansing of Georgians in Abkhazia



The ethnic cleansing of Georgians in Abkhazia,      also known as the massacres of Georgians in Abkhazia and genocide of Georgians in Abkhazia (ქართველთა გენოციდი აფხაზეთში) (according to Georgian sources) — refers to ethnic cleansing, massacres and forced mass expulsion of thousands of ethnic Georgians living in Abkhazia (de jure an Autonomous Republic within Georgia) during the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict of 1992–1993 and 1998 at the hands of Abkhaz separatists and their allies (possibly, including volunteers from Russia). Armenians, Greeks, Russians and moderate Abkhaz were also killed. Roughly 200,000 to 250,000 Georgian civilians became Internally displaced persons (IDPs). The ethnic cleansing and massacres of Georgians has been officially recognized by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) conventions in 1994, 1996 and again in 1997 during the Budapest, Lisbon and Istanbul summits and condemned the "perpetrators of war crimes committed during the conflict." On May 15, 2008, the United Nations General Assembly adopted (by 14 votes to 11, with 105 abstentions) a resolution A/RES/62/249 in which it "Emphasizes the importance of preserving the property rights of refugees and internally displaced persons from Abkhazia, Georgia, including victims of reported "ethnic cleansing", and calls upon all Member States to deter persons under their jurisdiction from obtaining property within the territory of Abkhazia, Georgia in violation of the rights of returnees". The UN Security Council passed a series of resolutions in which it appealed for a cease-fire.

Background

 * See also Abkhazia

Prior to the 1992 War, Georgians made up nearly half of Abkhazia's population, while less than one-fifth of the population was Abkhaz. In contrast, in 1926 the two populations were nearly balanced at around one-third each, with Russians, Armenians and Greeks constituting the remainder. Large-scale immigration of Georgians, Russians and Armenians allowed their respective populations to balloon; while the Abkhaz population had not even doubled by 1989, the Georgian population had nearly quadrupled from 67,494 to 239,872, the Armenian population had tripled and the Russian population had sextupled.

Military conflict in Abkhazia
In 1992, the political situation in Abkhazia changed into the military confrontation between Georgian government and Abkhaz separatists. The fighting escalated as Georgian Interior and Defence Ministry forces along with police units took Sukhumi and came near the city of Gudauta. The ethnically-based policies initiated by the Georgians in Sukhumi created simultaneously refugees and a core of fighters determined to regain lost homes. However, as the war progressed, the Abkhaz separatist have carried out same policies of violent displacement of ethnic Georgians from their homes in greater proportions which has left 250,000 people being forcefully evicted from their homes. Under the alleged aid from Russia, they managed to re-arm and organize "volunteer battalions" from North Caucasus. According to political analyst Georgy Mirsky, the Russian military base in Gudauta was, "supplying the Abkhazian side with weapons and ammunition." Furthermore he adds that, "no direct proof of this has ever been offered, but it would be more naïve to believe that the tanks, rockets, howitzers, pieces of ordnance, and other heavy weapons that the anti-Georgian coalition forces were increasing using in their war had been captured from the enemy." This anti-Georgian military coalition were made up of North Caucasian Group "The Confederates of Mountain People of Caucasus", Shamil Basaev's Chechen division "Grey Wolf," Armenian battalion "Bagramian," Cossacks, militants from Transnistria  and various Russian special units. According to Political Scientist Bruno Coppieters, "Western governments took some diplomatic initiatives in the United Nations and made up an appeal to Moscow to halt an active involvement of its military forces in the conflict. UN Security Council passed series of resolutions in which is appeals for a cease-fire and condemned the Abkhazian policy of ethnic-cleansing."

Confronted with hundreds of thousands of ethnic Georgians who were unwilling to leave their homes, the Abkhaz side implemented the process of ethnic cleansing in order to expel and eliminate the Georgian ethnic population in Abkhazia.

The exact number of those killed during the ethnic cleansing is disputed, however, it ranges from 8,000 to 10,000 people, not including the civilians who were killed in 1998 during the separatist onslaught on Gali region. Roughly 200,000 to 250,000 ethnic Georgians were expelled from their homes. The campaign ethnic cleansing also included Russians, Armenians, Greeks, moderate Abkhaz and other minor ethnic groups living in Abkhazia. More than 20,000 houses owned by ethnic Georgians were destroyed. Hundreds of Schools, kindergartens, churches, hospitals, historical monuments were pillaged and destroyed.

The 1994 U.S. State Department Country Reports describes scenes of massive human rights abuse, also supported by Human Rights Watch based on their own findings. According to U.S. State Department Country Report on Conflict in Abkhazia (Georgia):

After the end of the war, the government of Georgia, the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), and the refugees began to investigate and gather facts about the allegations of genocide, ethnic cleansing and deportation which was conducted by the Abkhaz side during the conflict. In 1994 and again in 1996 the OSCE during the Budapest summit gave its official recognition of ethnic cleansing of Georgians in Abkhazia and condemned the "perpetrators of war crimes committed during the conflict."

On March 2006, the Hague War Crimes Tribunal announced that it had reviewed all the documents submitted by the Georgian side. After a full-scale investigation, the Tribunal concluded that it would prosecute and start hearings against the campaign of ethnic cleansing, war-crimes and terror inflicted on ethnic Georgians in Abkhazia.

According to Catherine Dale from United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees:

Facts of ethnic cleansing (1992–1993)
The Georgian command wanted to make a Blitzkrieg in Abkhazia ... But not everything is decided by tanks and Grads. The Abkhazians don't have any other land, we have no way to go. But also the Georgians can live here no longer. In Abkhazia they can only die. (Vitaliy Smyr, 1992)

Following are few examples taken from the Helsinki Human Rights Watch Reports and documentation submitted for the review to United Nations and Hague War Crimes Tribunal.

Fall of Gagra
On September 3, 1992, the Russian mediated agreement was signed between Georgian and Abkhaz separatist sides which obliged Georgia to withdraw its military forces from the city of Gagra. The agreement forced Abkhaz separatists from Gudauta to hold their attacks on the city. Soon after, the Georgian forces which included Shavnabada, Avaza and White Eagle battalions (along with their tanks and heavy artillery) left the city. Only small pockets of armed groups (made up of volunteers units of the ethnic Georgians of Gagra) remained. However, on October 1, the Abkhaz side violated the agreement and launched a full scale attack on Gagra. The attack was well coordinated and mainly carried out by the Chechen (under the command of Shamil Basaev) and North Caucasian militants. Meantime in Gagra, Georgian small detachments lost the control of the city suburbs (Leselidze and Kolkhida) and eventually were destroyed in the city center by the end of October 1. With the fall of the city, the Georgian population of Gagra was captured by the separatists and their allies. The first major massacres and ethnic-cleansing were committed during the fall of Gagra.

People of all ages were rounded up from Gagra, Leselidze, Kolkhida and killed. When the separatist militants entered the city, civilians became a target of mass murder. The main targets were young people and children. According to the witness account:
 * "When I returned home I was surprised to see a lot of armed people on the street. They were quiet. I mistook one of them for my Georgian neighbour, and I said, "How are you?" in Georgian. He grabbed me by the wrist and said, "Keep quiet." I wasn't afraid for myself; I thought they had killed my family. He asked me in Russian, "Where are your young people? We won't kill you, we'll kill them." I said they weren't here, that there were only old people left."

Women and young girls captured by the militants became the victims of rape and torture. One elderly Georgian woman who lived through the October attack in Gagra recounted the following: "They brought over a blind man and his brother, who always stayed with him. They began to beat the blind man, his brother and his wife with a gun butt, calling him "dog!" and kicking him. He fell over. I saw blood. One soldier said: "We won't kill you, but where are the young girls?" I said there weren't any."

After the fall of Gagra, the victors started to pillage, rape, and torture followed by summary executions of everyone who was captured and failed to flee the city in time. At 5:00 pm on October 1, civilians (approximately 1000–1500 people) were rounded up and placed under the guard at the soccer stadium in downtown Gagra. On October 6, close to 50 civilians had been found hanging on electricity poles. Soon after, children, elderly, women and men who were detained on the soccer stadium were gunned down and dumped in mass graves not far from the stadium.

A Russian military observer Mikhail Demianov (who was accused by the Georgian side of being the military advisor to the separatist leader Ardzinba) told Human Rights Watch:

UN observers started to investigate and gather all the facts concerning the war crimes during the fall of Gagra. Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council of Abkhazia Mikhail Jinjaradze was dragged out from his office and executed.

Massacre in Kamani
After the failed attempt of the separatist forces and their allies to storm Sukhumi on March 14, 1993, Abkhaz diverted their main forces to the northern side of the front line which divided Georgian held Sukhumi and separatist controlled territories. On July 4, the Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus militia, Abkhaz formations, and Armenian Bagramyan battalion transported by allegedly Russian naval forces to the city of Tkhvarcheli began their offensive on the northern Sukhumi district. Georgian forces and local volunteer units (including Ukrainian nationalist organization members(UNA-UNSO) which fought at Georgian side as volunteers) stationed in the villages of Shroma, Tamishi and Kamani were taken by surprise. On July 5, after intensive fighting, Georgians lost as many as 500 people in a couple of hours. The village of Kamani fell into the hands of separatist formations and their North Caucasian allies. Kamani was populated mainly by Svans (a sub-ethnic group of the Georgian people) and by Orthodox nuns who had been living in the church of St George located in the center of the village. The local villagers (including women and children) were massacred while the church of St George became the scene of a blood bath. The nuns were raped and killed in front of the orthodox priests, father Yuri Anua and father Andria. Both priests were taken outside of the church and questioned about the ownership of the land in Abkhazia. After answering that Abkhazia was neither Georgian nor Abkhaz land but God's, they were shot by a confederate soldier. Another priest was killed along with father Yuri Anua and father Andria, an ethnic Abkhaz who was forced to shoot father Andria before he was killed. Approximately, 120 inhabitants of the village were massacred.

Fall of Sukhumi
Thomas Goltz, a war correspondent who visited Abkhazia during the war, recalls that Russian MIG-29s dropped 500 kilograms of vacuum bombs which mainly targeted the residential areas of Sukhumi and villages on Gumista River. The Russian journalist Dmitry Kholodov stayed in Sukhumi before it fell to separatists and wrote couple of report from the besieged city,

On July 27, 1993, a Russian-brokered trilateral agreement on a cease-fire and principles for the solution of the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict was signed. Once again Georgian military started to withdraw all of its heavy artillery, tanks and significant number of its troops from Sukhumi. The Abkhaz separatists along with their allies were bound by the agreement to hold their offensive and heavy bombardment of the city. In return, the Georgian side was reassured by Russia that Sukhumi would not be attacked or bombed if Georgian army would complete its withdrawal. The Georgian troops along with their tanks were evacuated by the Russian military ships to the city of Poti. The city was left without any significant military defense. A large number of civilians stayed in Sukhumi and all school were re-opened on September 1. The large number of IDPs returned to their homes and the normal life resumed in Sukhumi. According to Shevardnadze he trusted Yeltsin and the Russian guarantees and therefore, asked the population to return. However, the Abkhaz separatists, North Caucasian Volunteers, Cossacks and Russian special forces attacked Sukhumi on September 16 at 8 a.m.

It marked the beginning of 12 days non-stop fighting around the besieged Sukhumi with intensive fighting and human loss from the both sides. Georgians who stayed in the city with only rifles and AK 47s were left without any defense from artillery or mechanized units. The union of theater actors of Sukhumi joined fighting along with other civilians who decided to fight. The city was mercilessly bombed by Russian air forces and separatist artillery. On September 27, the city fell as Abkhaz, Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus (CMPC) and Russian units stormed the House of the Government of Abkhazia. One of the most horrific massacres of this war was waged on the civilian population of Sukhumi after its downfall. During the storming of the city, close to 1,000 people perished as Abkhaz formations overran the streets of the city. The civilians who were trapped in the city were taken from their houses, basements and apartment building. In Tamaz Nadareishvili's book, Genocide in Abkhazia, the eye witness interviews of the IDPs includes the following account by the elderly Georgian refugee who survived the war:

The separatists and their allies captured the Chairman of the Supreme Council Zhiuli Shartava, the Mayor of Sukhumi Guram Gabiskiria, Mamia Alasania and other members of the Abkhaz government including the members of Sukhumi police. Initially they were promised safety, but eventually killed, and the UN report mentions Shartava being excessively tortured. A Georgian women who survived Sukhumi massacre, recalls her ordeal in an interview with Russian film director Andrei Nekrasov,

The massacres continued after the fall of Sukhumi for about two weeks. Georgians who had failed to flee the city had been hiding in abandoned apartment buildings and house basements. Upon discovery by the militants, they were killed on the spot. One of the most brutal massacres of the war was committed during this period. Video materials show a 5 year old child being brutally killed by Abkhaz militant in front of his mother on the streets of Sukhumi. Abkhaz nationals were also targeted during the Sukhumi massacres. Anyone who had tried to hide a Georgian refugee or helped in any way was condemned and killed. "Temur Kutarba, an Abhazian, was killed by an Adighe Soldier in front of his children, for not being active in killing Georgians. V. Vadakaria, 23 and his Abhazian friend, who tried to defend him, both were killed."

Ochamchire
Approximately 400 Georgian families were killed during the Abkhaz offensive on Ochamchire. Similar to Gagra events of 1992, the local inhabitants were driven to the city soccer stadium Akhaldaba. Men, women and children were separated from each other. Within hours, the men were executed while women and teenagers were raped and later killed. According to witness accounts, Abkhaz separatist organized detention camps where teenage girls and women were kept for 25 days. During this period they were systematically raped and abused. Besides the atrocities being committed against civilians, more than 50 Georgian prisoners of war were executed. The mass killing of civilians also occurred in other parts of the Ochamchire district, mainly in Kochara (heavily populated by ethnic Georgians, 5340 persons according to pre-war estimates). Approximately 235 civilians were killed and 1000 houses were destroyed.

The former resident of Ochamchire district, Leila Goletiani, who was taken prisoner by Abkhaz separatists, gave the following account of her captivity to the Russian film director Andrei Nekrasov:

Gali
After the fall of Sukhumi, the only region in Abkhazia which maintained its large ethnic Georgian population was Gali. The ethnic composition of Gali region differed from the rest of Abkhazia. The region was mainly populated by ethnic Georgians and never experienced any military activity during the war. In the beginning of 1994, Abkhaz separatists confronted by the reality of the large ethnic Georgian presence within the borders of Abkhazia continued its policy of ethnic cleansing and forced expulsion of ethnic Georgians. United Nations observers witnessed the events of 94 as they unfolded. Between February 8 and 13 Abkhaz separatist militia and their allies attacked the villages and populated areas of Gali region, killing, raping and destroying houses (approximately 4,200 houses were destroyed as the result). Despite the presence of Russian CIS peacekeeping forces, the massacres and mass killing of ethnic Georgians was carried out between 1995 and 1996 which resulted in 450 death and thousands of IDPs fleeing eastwards.

Post-war period
For all those volunteers who have contributed in our victory, we shall reward them with residency and citizenship.

The Human Rights Watch report which was drafted in 1995 and included detailed account of the war crimes and atrocities committed during the war concludes that, "Human Rights Watch finds Abkhaz forces responsible for the foreseeable wave of revenge, human rights abuse, and war crimes that was unleashed on the Georgian population in Sukhumi and other parts of Abkhazia. In Human Rights Watch's judgment, these practices were indeed encouraged in order to drive the Georgian population from its homes."


 * "And out of group of 12 front line soldiers, 2 were Abkhazian, 2 were Armenian, 1 Armenian locally from Sukhumi, 1 from Yerevan who was too young to go fight the good fight in Karabakh, and the rest were either from the North Caucasus or from places like in Siberia. What were they motivated by? Looting. They had been promised houses with tangerine gardens. They had been promised cars."

The legacy of ethnic cleansing in Abkhazia had been devastating for the Georgian society. The war and the subsequent systematic ethnic cleansing produced about 200,000-250,000 of IDPs that fled to various Georgian regions, mostly in Samegrelo (Mingrelia) (112,208; UNHCR, June 2000). In Tbilisi and elsewhere in Georgia refugees occupy hundreds of hotels, dormitories and abandoned Soviet military barracks for temporary residency. Many of them have to leave for other countries, primarily to Russia, to search for work.

Many refugees living in Georgia resist assimilation into the Georgian society. Georgia's government also has not encouraged the assimilation of the refugees fearing that it would "lose one of the arguments for retaining hegemony over Abkhazia".

Some 60,000 Georgian refugees spontaneously returned to Abkhazia's Gali district between 1994 and 1998, but tens of thousands were displaced again when fighting resumed in the Gali district in 1998. Nevertheless from 40,000 to 60,000 refugees have returned to the Gali district since 1998, including persons commuting daily across the ceasefire line and those migrating seasonally in accordance with agricultural cycles. The human rights situation remains precarious in the Georgian-populated areas of the Gali district. The United Nations and other international organizations have been fruitlessly urging the Abkhaz de facto authorities "to refrain from adopting measures incompatible with the right to return and with international human rights standards, such as discriminatory legislation ... [and] to cooperate in the establishment of a permanent international human rights office in Gali and to admit United Nations civilian police without further delay."