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Some time after the [[Homeland Officers' Organization]], or "Al-Ahrar" ("The Free") succeeded in toppling the monarchy and [[14 July Revolution|transforming the Iraqi regime into a republic in 1958]], signs of differences between political parties and forces and the Homeland Officers' Organization began when [[Pan-Arab]] nationalist forces led by [[Abdul Salam Arif]] and the Ba'ath Party called for immediate unification with the United Arab Republic (UAR). In an attempt to create a state of political equilibrium, the Iraqi Communist Party, which opposed unity, tried to discount cooperation with the UAR in economics, culture, and science rather than political and military agreements.
 
Some time after the [[Homeland Officers' Organization]], or "Al-Ahrar" ("The Free") succeeded in toppling the monarchy and [[14 July Revolution|transforming the Iraqi regime into a republic in 1958]], signs of differences between political parties and forces and the Homeland Officers' Organization began when [[Pan-Arab]] nationalist forces led by [[Abdul Salam Arif]] and the Ba'ath Party called for immediate unification with the United Arab Republic (UAR). In an attempt to create a state of political equilibrium, the Iraqi Communist Party, which opposed unity, tried to discount cooperation with the UAR in economics, culture, and science rather than political and military agreements.
   
Gradually [[Abd al-Karim Qasim]]'s relations with some of his fellow members of Al-Ahrar worsened, and his relationship with the unionist and nationalist currents, which had played an active role in supporting the 1958 movement, became strained. As for conflicting currents in the Iraqi Communist Party, they were aspiring for a coalition with General [[Abd al-Karim Qasim|Qasim]], and had long been extending their relationship with him, since Qasim thought that some of his allies in the Communist party were coming close to leapfrogging the proposition, especially after the increasing influence of the Communist party in the use of the slogan, proclaimed by many Communists and government supporters during marches: "Long live leader Abd al-Karim and the Communist Party in governing great demand!"<ref>Monsour, Ahmed and Aaraf Abd Alrazaq. 2002. Interview. "Witnessing the Age." Al-Jazeera Television.</ref> This made him from that time begin to minimize the Communist movement, which was poised to overthrow the regime. He ordered the party to be disarmed and most of the party leaders to be arrested. However, the party retained Air Commander Celalettin Alaoqati and Lt. Col. Fadhil Abbas Mahdawi, Qasim's cousin.
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Gradually [[Abd al-Karim Qasim]]'s relations with some of his fellow members of Al-Ahrar worsened, and his relationship with the unionist and nationalist currents, which had played an active role in supporting the 1958 movement, became strained. As for conflicting currents in the Iraqi Communist Party, they were aspiring for a coalition with General [[Abd al-Karim Qasim|Qasim]], and had long been extending their relationship with him, since Qasim thought that some of his allies in the Communist party were coming close to leapfrogging the proposition, especially after the increasing influence of the Communist party in the use of the slogan, proclaimed by many Communists and government supporters during marches: "Long live leader Abd al-Karim and the Communist Party in governing great demand!"<ref>Monsour, Ahmed and Aaraf Abd Alrazaq. 2002. Interview. "Witnessing the Age." [[Al-Jazeera]] Television.</ref> This made him from that time begin to minimize the Communist movement, which was poised to overthrow the regime. He ordered the party to be disarmed and most of the party leaders to be arrested. However, the party retained Air Commander Celalettin Alaoqati and Lt. Col. Fadhil Abbas Mahdawi, Qasim's cousin.
   
 
An overlapping set of both internal and regional factors created conditions conducive to the overthrow of Prime Minister [[Abd al-Karim Qasim]] and his staff. Some believe that it can be attributed to the blundering individualism of Qasim and the errors committed in the execution of leaders and locals as well as acts of violence which arose from the Communist militias allied with Qasim.<ref>Pachachi, D. Adnan. Recorded Program. [[Al-Sharqiya]] Satellite Channel.</ref> Also to blame may be an increasingly forceful disagreement with Field Marshal Abdul Salam Aref, who was under house arrest. All of this as well as statements Qasim made reiterating his support for Syrian General [[Abdel-Karim]] and Colonel [[Alnhlaoi Mowaffaq Asasa]], with a view to executing a coup to divide Syria, which was alone with Egypt as part of the United Arab Republic. This was because of the game of international politics and its role in the promotion of or endorsement of Qasim's political opposition.
 
An overlapping set of both internal and regional factors created conditions conducive to the overthrow of Prime Minister [[Abd al-Karim Qasim]] and his staff. Some believe that it can be attributed to the blundering individualism of Qasim and the errors committed in the execution of leaders and locals as well as acts of violence which arose from the Communist militias allied with Qasim.<ref>Pachachi, D. Adnan. Recorded Program. [[Al-Sharqiya]] Satellite Channel.</ref> Also to blame may be an increasingly forceful disagreement with Field Marshal Abdul Salam Aref, who was under house arrest. All of this as well as statements Qasim made reiterating his support for Syrian General [[Abdel-Karim]] and Colonel [[Alnhlaoi Mowaffaq Asasa]], with a view to executing a coup to divide Syria, which was alone with Egypt as part of the United Arab Republic. This was because of the game of international politics and its role in the promotion of or endorsement of Qasim's political opposition.

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